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Tag: Jai Kumar Sharma

Nepal: From Kingdom to Chaos

Nepal is currently in turmoil. The dramatic shift from a prosperous past to a politically turbulent present invites reflection. What has led to this upheaval in a country that once stood as a symbol of stability and charm?

 

Temples at Durbar Square are known for unique Hindu Architecture

Once an enchanting kingdom nestled in the Himalayas, Nepal has seen a remarkable evolution over the past few decades. In the 1970s and 80s, it was a beacon of prosperity and allure, particularly for Indians. With its bustling streets, casinos, vibrant pubs, and resorts, Kathmandu was a hotspot for the elite, offering foreign apparel, electronics, and unique goods that were hard to find in India. It was a place that felt more “happening” than many Indian cities at the time.

Today, however, the story is starkly different. Nepal is grappling with severe political unrest, with young people taking to the streets to demand change. In Kathmandu, the situation is intense; students have set fire to the national parliament, attacked government offices, and are holding political leaders accountable for widespread corruption.

The Personal Account

This present turmoil stands in sharp contrast to a visit I made in 2019. During that trip, which included training journalists, I met a senior editor of a leading Nepali newspaper and had eye-opening conversations with media professionals, politicians, and other influential people. While staying at one of Kathmandu’s oldest Himalaya hotel, I was surprised by frequent power cuts, a bizarre reality given Nepal’s vast hydroelectric potential of 85,000 MW, against a mere consumption of 3,000 MW.

Another revelation came during a training session with young journalists. When I asked them to choose a topic for a mock news story, their unanimous choice was making Nepal a Hindu nation again, a sentiment that was surprising since the country had been declared secular in 2008 after abolishing Hindu Monarchy.

The third surprise unfolded during a flight over Mount Everest—I noticed groups of Westerners in matching T-shirts with religious slogans waiting for flights to remote villages. I was told that these were missionaries helping with rehabilitation after the devastating Nepal earthquake in 2015. While their aid was appreciated, locals were concerned about the reported conversion of Hindus to Christianity, which had led to a noticeable decline in the Hindu population, a figure that was over 85% during the rule of the Shah dynasty. 

Strong Undercurrent in Support of Monarchy

In casual conversations in hotel lobbies and in the parties, I found a surprising longing for the monarchy. Many felt that the past stability and prosperity under the monarchy were superior to the current democratic setup, which has struggled with instability since the monarchy was abolished in 2008. A senior editor advised me not to draw parallels between Nepal and India, emphasizing that Nepalis take pride in their sovereignty and their history of never being colonized by the British. He pointed out that posters of King Prithvi Narayan Shah are still visible behind Nepal Army generals when they address the nation even today.

Relations with India

Nepal’s relationship with India is layered and complex. During a visit in 2014, senior journalists told me that while Nepalis value their ties with India, they are sensitive about being perceived as an extension of it. This sensitivity was perfectly illustrated by Sahib Singh Varma, the former Chief Minister of Delhi, who caused discomfort by stating, “Both my cook and watchman are from Nepal.” Similarly, a leading Bollywood actress from the 1990s had to be escorted out of a hotel and put on the next flight to Delhi after saying on a live radio interview in Kathmandu: “Nepal is the most beautiful state of India.”

When it comes to development, while India has contributed to Nepal’s infrastructure, there is a growing appreciation for Chinese efficiency. Chinese companies completed the Pokhara airport and the ring road around Kathmandu ahead of schedule, a fact that has often been contrasted with the delays associated with Indian contractors. A senior journalist once made a light-hearted but telling joke: if India could just “shift Gujarat and Maharashtra to the Nepal border instead of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar,” infrastructure projects might progress faster.

Nepal stands at a crucial juncture today. The current unrest reflects deep-seated frustrations, and the call for a return to monarchy or a corruption free-system and a Hindu identity is a testament to the population’s yearning for change. How the government responds and whether it can address these concerns will undoubtedly shape the nation’s future.

 

Jai Kumar Sharma , Editor Asia Media

 

Can India Unite a ‘Divided’ G20?

Is G20 gaining relevance and G7 loosing shine?

Having first met in 1976, the G7 was an effective forum for almost five decades. At the time, the G7 countries represented roughly 50% of global GDP. However, as time went by, this share has been on a constant downward trend, especially due to the rise of China and India. Today, the G7 countries represent around 30% of global GDP, and the number will further contract.

As a consequence of this tectonic shift, it should come as no surprise that in 2008, when a global fiscal stimulus was needed to counteract the Great Recession, the matter could not be dealt with within this setting, and the G20 was first established.

The G20 members represent around 85% of the global GDP, over 75% of the global trade, and about two-thirds of the world population.

The G20’s importance lies in the fact that it is more reflective of the world as a whole since its members also include developing nations from Asia, Latin America and Africa.

Is there a rift between ‘the West’ and the ‘Global South? 

There is a wider feeling that the concerns of the Global South are ignored, and that international organisations like the UN, the IMF and the World Bank are rooted in the post-World War II period, dominated by a small number of countries.

Many experts felt that The Global South has its problems, and they should be heard. It’s not good enough to just hear issues of concern to the Americans and the Europeans.

This is further compounded by the fact that the G20, which is primarily supposed to deal with issues like climate change, development, global governance and green technology, among others, is being pulled into global security debates like the war in Ukraine.

The Indian government is recognising that global governance led by the UN system has failed and there are alternative, non-Western forums or a mix of the two that have to take up some of those responsibilities.

A big percentage of population in the world is of the opinion that the West is focused on the Russia-Ukraine war, and it believes that its conflict is the world’s conflict, but it (the West) has been absent when the Global South has needed help such as with a climate adjustment fund or when Sri Lanka was undergoing its worst financial crisis.

Why Xi and Putin are absent?

President Xi Jinping began his third term with a diplomatic blitz that bolstered his image as a global statesman and attended every G20 leaders’ summit since taking power in 2012. Now Mr. Xi seems to be taking a different approach, dodging an event where he could have likely face thorny questions over China’s economic trajectory, Beijing’s military aggression toward Taiwan and his support for Russia after its invasion of Ukraine.

Mr. Xi is now in an “emperor mindset” and expects dignitaries to come to him, according to Alfred Wu, associate professor at the National University of Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy.  “Xi also received special treatment at the BRICS summit which was unlikely to receive at G20” Wu added.

Media analysts in New Delhi suspected Mr. Xi had little interest in participating in an event aimed at bolstering the global profile of a rival with whom China has territorial disputes.

Putin has clear reasons for skipping the summit because Russia has rejected the validity of discussing the war at the G20, arguing that as an economic body it has no business considering security matters.

Deep divisions raise questions

In the middle of the high-octane summit, one question hovers over New Delhi’s hazy air: Does this annual meeting still serve any purpose when the US and allies are there under the same tent as China and Russia.

The absence of President Putin and Chinese President at the summit made this more complicated. However, the two countries are represented by senior officials: Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov from Russia and Chinese Premier Li Qiang.

A foreign policy observer in Delhi shared his views that China’s reactions signaled that Beijing has reservations against India’s leadership of the Global South.

Jai Kumar Sharma at New Delhi

Differences are also emerging between the US-aligned G7 and the wider G20 over a new commitment of funding for developing countries to meet United Nations-backed targets on everything from hunger and education to clean energy and climate change.

There are several issues with deep disagreements. Since the joint declaration is often a last-minute affair involving a lot of hard bargaining, India has little time to create a consensus. But the question is: Will China allow India its moment of global leadership when the two countries are locked in a border face-off and India is trying to emerge as an economic alternative to China?

The possible outcome

Russia has rejected the validity of discussing the war at the G20, this has been China’s position too, as it draws closer to Russia. The Western states insisted that it condemns Russia and the invasion in the strongest terms.

However majority of the membership from the Global South has tried to stay neutral in the conflict. They are more concerned about the war’s consequences, including its effect on food and energy prices, which particularly affect developing economies.

Despite these disagreements, the G20 has managed to make progress on some issues. G20 meetings have been one of the main forums through which reform of the Multilateral Development Banks has been discussed. The proposals include reforming the internal policies of the World Bank and other development banks to allow them to borrow more capital and lend it at concessional rates—especially for climate projects.

Another ray of hope is that over the past two years, the G20 has been chaired by developing economies: Indonesia and India. Because of their neutrality, these countries have greater credibility when they try to manage the stand-off between the West and Russia, so the G20 can function in some way.

With the next two hosts, South Africa and Brazil, sharing a similar inclination, the G20 might continue to function, even if the thornier global problems prove beyond its capacity to address.

In an era of fragmenting global governance, that might be the best that can be achieved.

Jai Kumar Sharma, Editor Asia Media, Consultant Editor, Fiji Sun.

Published in Fiji Sun https://fijisun.com.fj/2023/09/09/can-india-unite-a-divided-g20/[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]